ELEVEN STEPS ON HOW TO PAD THE NIGERIAN BUDGET AND BECOME A BILLIONAIRE!
The public row between the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Yakubu Dogara, and his erstwhile ally and former chairman of the House Appropriation Committee, Abdulmumin Jibrin, has provided a glimpse into how lawmakers routinely make billions of naira by inserting fictitious projects into the national budget each year.
Nigerians have been appalled at the scale of alleged fraud perpetrated in the National Assembly, as revealed by Mr. Jibrin.
PREMIUM TIMES’ digital lead, Emmanuel Ogala, who covered the National Assembly for years, compiles some of the spilled secrets that summarily highlight the many ways crooked lawmakers steal from the nation’s commonwealth.
Here are 11 steps to get rich quickly through the budget:
STEP 1. Get elected into the National Assembly –you can go to Senate or House of Representatives. It doesn’t really matter.
STEP 2. Be a good friend of the Speaker or Senate President, and the respective chairpersons of appropriation committees. That is the legislative committee that vets the budget.
STEP 3. Think up some flimsy projects – say, boreholes to provide water for your poor constituents. It is called constituency project.
STEP 4. Look for a government agency or ministry that can smuggle that project into the budget for you and lobby the target Minister or DG. Of course the respective committee chairman in the National Assembly must know.
STEP 5. Set up a company. Or get your spouse, brother, sister, or loyalist to register a company that can execute your chosen project.
STEP 6. Plead with the chairman of the Appropriation Committee to edit the budget and include your project under the agency or ministry that you lobbied. Because budget figures are usually large, this may seem like adding a cup of water to River Niger. If appropriation chairman refuses to play, lobby the Speaker or the Senate President.
STEP 7. Say ‘aye’ on the day the budget is put up for debate. (This step is not very critical. You can decide not to show up and it will be bundled with the entire budget and passed. Almost all of your colleagues are in it.)
STEP 8. After the Ministry of Finance has released funds, approach the head of the agency to award the contract for your project to the company in #5. Most heads may require their share upfront. You can’t trust anyone in this business!
STEP 9. The company gets cash deposit from ministry or agency. It is withdrawn and handed to you. You can share with anyone that helped the process, but you’ll sure retain the bulk of it.
STEP 10. Sink a borehole in your community with a very tiny fraction of the money and call national TVs to come cover the “commissioning of your constituency projects”.
STEP 11. Plan for next year.
Source: PREMIUM TIMES.
Published on 27th July 2016.
Showing posts with label Politics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Politics. Show all posts
Friday, 29 July 2016
Thursday, 21 April 2016
Can Nigeria Senate be scrapped?
Is It Constitutionally Possible
for the scrapping of the upper legislative chamber because of their gross misdemeanor and belligerent behaviour and insensitivity to yawning and aspirations Of the populace. The activities of the 8th Senate is seen as serious affront to our delicate democracy. Analysis the procedure for scrapping this bogus would take a lot of deliberation and consultation in part and in series.
Here to set the Ball rolling is this special opening contribution from a learned friend;
To Abolish The Nigerian
Senate?
By Inibehe Effiong
This piece is precipitated by a private message I
received from a friend on Facebook on Wednesday
April 20, 2016 seeking to ascertain whether it is
possible to abolish the Senate of the Federal
Republic of Nigeria.
Without hesitation, I responded pointedly to the
requisition by stating that it is practically impossible,
but with a proviso that a revolution can make it
possible. I further intimated the said friend that
though it is constitutionally possible for the Senate
to be abolished, it is very unlikely for that to happen.
We will appreciate in the latter part of this essay that
this is not about pessimism.
With recent appalling and scandalous developments
in the National Assembly, particularly in the Senate,
the age long agitation by a section of the public for
the abolition of the Senate is resonating. The
Senator Bukola-Saraki-led Senate has been in the
news since its inauguration for all the wrong
reasons. It is indeed a national embarrassment that
we have a Senate President who shuttles between
the presiding officer’s seat in the Senate chamber
and the dock at the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCB).
This is incompatible with the tenets of modern
civilisation.
It is even more reprehensible that Mr Saraki is
enjoying the support of his colleagues in a manner
that portrays the Senate as a corruption infested,
morally depraved and self-serving institution. How
can the law making body of a nation in the 21st
century be shut in solidarity with its principal officer
who is standing trial for corruption? This is not about
the presumption of innocence that Section 36 (5) of
the Constitution guarantees to every person. It is
about our moral compass and ideological direction
as a nation. In saner climes, the Senate President
would have honourably resigned the moment he
became a subject of negative public controversy.
Given what the National Assembly and the Senate in
particular has become over the years, is it
constitutionally possible for the Nigerian Senate to
be abolished?
For us to properly underscore the possibility of
abolishing the Nigerian Senate as advocated by a
section of the public, I will examine briefly the
constitutional fundamentals on the subject.
Legally, neither the Senate nor the House of
Representatives can be abolished or abrogated
without the alteration of the enabling provisions of
the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria
1999 (as amended) (subsequently referred to as the
Constitution).
The Senate is a creation of the Constitution.
Specifically, Section 47 of the Constitution provides
that “there shall be a National Assembly for the
Federation which shall consist of a Senate and a
House of Representatives”. Section 4 of the
Constitution vest the legislative powers of the
Federal Republic of Nigeria in the National Assembly.
The general procedure for altering the provisions of
the Constitution is as enshrined in Section 9 of the
Constitution.
The power to alter the provisions of the Constitution
is vested exclusively in the National Assembly. It is
only when two-thirds of all the members of each
house of the National Assembly have passed a Bill to
amend any provision of the Constitution that the
concurrence (resolution) of at least two-thirds of the
thirty-six Houses of Assembly in the country and
presidential assent will be required for same to
become law. If the subject of amendment relates to
Section 8 (State creation) or Chapter four
(fundamental human rights) of the Constitution, at
least four-fifth of all the members of each house
must support the amendment.
Although there is no specific provision for
presidential assent for the purpose of altering the
Constitution under Section 9, it is submitted that
since the Constitution can only be amended through
the instrumentality of an Act of the National
Assembly, a presidential assent is required.
This argument is anchored on the provisions of
Section 58 (1) of the Constitution which provides
that “the power of the National Assembly to make
laws shall be exercised by bills passed by both the
Senate and the House of Representatives and,
except as provided for under subsection (5) of this
section, assented to by the president”. Under the
subsection (5) supra, the National Assembly can
override the veto of the president where the latter
withholds his assent. Furthermore, by Section 2 (1)
of the Interpretation Act Cap. I23 L.F.N. 2004, “An
Act is passed when the Bill for the Act is assented to
by the President”.
A community reading of the provisions of Sections 9
and 58 (1) of the Constitution leads to the irresistible
conclusion that a presidential assent is mandatory in
the alteration of the Constitution. It is a trite
principle of constitutional interpretation that the
provisions of the Constitution should be read as
whole and not in isolation. The Supreme Court of
Nigeria had settled this principle in the locus
classicus case of Attorney-General of Bendel State
v. Attorney-General of the Federation (1983) NSCC
181.
The Federal High Court, Lagos Division, presided
over by Justice Okechukwu Okeke had rightly held in
November 2010 that the first and second alterations
to the 1999 Constitution were inchoate (incomplete)
except assented to by the president. A former
president of the Nigerian Bar Association, Mr Olisa
Agbakoba, had sued the National Assembly for
failing to send the alteration Act(s) to the president
for assent.
The 1999 Constitution has so far been subjected to
three successful alterations. The fourth alteration
Act which had, inter alia, sought to dispense with
presidential assent to the alteration of the
Constitution, was truncated because former
president Goodluck Jonathan vetoed it. The threat by
the seventh National Assembly to override
Jonathan’s veto to the fourth alteratation Act led to
a legal battle in the Supreme Court between the
President and the National Assembly. Eventually, the
dispute was settled out of court just before the end
of the last administration in May 2015.
Our current bicameral legislature is a creation of the
Constitution. Therefore, it can only be changed in
favour of a unicamaral or simple house parliament if
the Constitution is amended to that effect by the
National Assembly and assented to by the president.
This involves a long but achievable process which
can be initiated through the sponsorship of a
constitution alteration bill by either a member of the
National Assembly; the Executive or a private citizen
through a member of the National Assembly.
Another possible way of actualising a unicamaral
legislature for the federation is through a Sovereign
National Conference (SNC). However, the
convocation of a SNC must be preceded by an
established legal framework. In which case, recourse
must still be made to the National Assembly to put
the necessary legal framework in place. The last
attempt to hold a national conversation on the future
and structure of the country did not meet the
aspirations of progressive Nigerians.
The last National Conference convened by former
president Jonathan was a far cry from what the
proginators of the idea of a nation conference
wanted. Notwithstanding its limitations and
deficiencies, there were commendable
recommendations in the report of the conference
that should be implemented in the interest of
national cohesion.
It should be noted that the paternity of the current
1999 Constitution is traceable to Constitution of the
Federal Republic of Nigeria (Promulgation) Decree
No 24 of 1999 promulgated on the 5th day of May
1999 by General Abdulsalami Abubakar, the then
Head of State and Commander-in-Chief of the
Armed Forces Federal Republic of Nigeria.
Since the Constitution itself is the child of a Decree
(now an Act of the National Assembly by virtue of
Section 315 of the Constitution), her life and
existence can be brought to an end by repealing
Decree 24 of 1999. This will only require a simple
majority vote of all the members of each house of
the National Assembly and the assent of the
president. The SNC can then be empowered by the
repealing Act to draft a new constitution for the
country that will establish, among others, a single
house of parliament for the federation.
Unfortunately, there is no clear provision under the
Constitution for a national referendum in the country
on critical issues that affects the corporate existence
and structure of the Nigerian state. The implication
is that the Nigerian people are not constitutionally
empowered to determine the fate, structure and
system of government of their country except by
voting for their preferred candidates and political
parties during elections and by engaging in civic
engagements like protests, etc.
Ironically, Section 14 (2) (a) of the Constitution
declares that “sovereignty belongs to the people of
Nigeria through whom government by this
Constitution derives all its powers and authority”,
that provision apart from being non-justiciable by
virtue of Section 6 (6) (c) of the Constitution, does
not guarantee the Nigerian people the practical
assertion of sovereign power over their government
and country.
Except there is a new legal order in the country by
way of a revolution – either through a military coup
or a people driven national mass movement similar
to the Arab spring, it is constitutionally not possible
for the current system of government whether in the
legislative, executive or the judicial arm to be
changed without reference to the National Assembly.
I need to say clearly that military intervention is an
anathema to democracy and civilization and would
never be tolerated again in this country by Nigerians
and the international community. Therefore, that
option is not open for consideration.
The saddening reality today is that the vast majority
of Nigerians are neither willing nor prepared to take
back their country. This is why the advocacy for the
abolition of the Senate may never be actualized until
our people rise above the cleavages orchestrated by
political partisanship and the obsession for divisive
ethnic-religious interests.
For the National Assembly to sit and consider
altering its structure in the national interest will not
only amount to an act in self-censorship but self-
annihilation. No matter how imperative such an
objective may seem, the current crop of legislators
in Nigeria are too destitute in patriotism to even
contemplate such a radical and privative objective. It
is simply impossible.
The National Assembly is populated largely by people
who are after their primordial and pecuniary
interests. We have in the National Assembly people
that are under criminal investigations in Nigeria and
abroad. Though they may appear divided at times on
issues of policy, they are unapologetically united in
matters that affects their welfare and collective
existence. Our MPs are not willing to consider any
proposal that will seem like a class suicide. The
National Assembly members will not advert their
minds to their tribes, regions, religion or political
parties the day the issue of abolishing the Senate
comes up for deliberation in the National Assembly.
In 2012, Senegalese MPs voted to abolish the senate
as part of moves to help the victims of deadly floods
that ravaged the country at the time. President
Macky Sall had said the money reserved for the
upper house – about $15m – will also go towards
preventing further flooding.
Unlike Senegal, our legislators are proposing
legislations to protect and entrench themselves. It is
most improbable for lawmakers who have refused to
cut their prohibitive and abominable allowances to
alter the Constitution and abolish the Senate. We are
talking about lawmakers that have the unmerited
record as the highest paid in the world.
It is true that the bicameral legislature is too
expensive for the country to maintain. We cannot
continue to service the insatiable propensity of 109
senators and 360 members of the House of
Representatives. Their bogus allowances is not
sustainable. Let us revert to a part-time legislature
where lawmakers will only sit when occasion
demands and receive sitting allowances only. We
can endure the House of Representatives; but the
Senate should be abolished.
The starting point is credible elections. Our electoral
process should be sanitised. It is only when
lawmaker are freely and fairly elected by the people
that the desire for a unicamaral legislature will be
given serious attention by the National Assembly. We
must constantly engage our representatives. Recent
developments in the National Assembly has shown
that with vigilance and civic action by the citizens,
we can force our lawmakers to do our wish.
Let the struggle continue.
Inibehe Effiong is a Constitutional Lawyer and the
Convener of the Coalition of Human Rights
Defenders (COHRD).
inibehe.effiong@gmail.com
for the scrapping of the upper legislative chamber because of their gross misdemeanor and belligerent behaviour and insensitivity to yawning and aspirations Of the populace. The activities of the 8th Senate is seen as serious affront to our delicate democracy. Analysis the procedure for scrapping this bogus would take a lot of deliberation and consultation in part and in series.
Here to set the Ball rolling is this special opening contribution from a learned friend;
To Abolish The Nigerian
Senate?
By Inibehe Effiong
This piece is precipitated by a private message I
received from a friend on Facebook on Wednesday
April 20, 2016 seeking to ascertain whether it is
possible to abolish the Senate of the Federal
Republic of Nigeria.
Without hesitation, I responded pointedly to the
requisition by stating that it is practically impossible,
but with a proviso that a revolution can make it
possible. I further intimated the said friend that
though it is constitutionally possible for the Senate
to be abolished, it is very unlikely for that to happen.
We will appreciate in the latter part of this essay that
this is not about pessimism.
With recent appalling and scandalous developments
in the National Assembly, particularly in the Senate,
the age long agitation by a section of the public for
the abolition of the Senate is resonating. The
Senator Bukola-Saraki-led Senate has been in the
news since its inauguration for all the wrong
reasons. It is indeed a national embarrassment that
we have a Senate President who shuttles between
the presiding officer’s seat in the Senate chamber
and the dock at the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCB).
This is incompatible with the tenets of modern
civilisation.
It is even more reprehensible that Mr Saraki is
enjoying the support of his colleagues in a manner
that portrays the Senate as a corruption infested,
morally depraved and self-serving institution. How
can the law making body of a nation in the 21st
century be shut in solidarity with its principal officer
who is standing trial for corruption? This is not about
the presumption of innocence that Section 36 (5) of
the Constitution guarantees to every person. It is
about our moral compass and ideological direction
as a nation. In saner climes, the Senate President
would have honourably resigned the moment he
became a subject of negative public controversy.
Given what the National Assembly and the Senate in
particular has become over the years, is it
constitutionally possible for the Nigerian Senate to
be abolished?
For us to properly underscore the possibility of
abolishing the Nigerian Senate as advocated by a
section of the public, I will examine briefly the
constitutional fundamentals on the subject.
Legally, neither the Senate nor the House of
Representatives can be abolished or abrogated
without the alteration of the enabling provisions of
the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria
1999 (as amended) (subsequently referred to as the
Constitution).
The Senate is a creation of the Constitution.
Specifically, Section 47 of the Constitution provides
that “there shall be a National Assembly for the
Federation which shall consist of a Senate and a
House of Representatives”. Section 4 of the
Constitution vest the legislative powers of the
Federal Republic of Nigeria in the National Assembly.
The general procedure for altering the provisions of
the Constitution is as enshrined in Section 9 of the
Constitution.
The power to alter the provisions of the Constitution
is vested exclusively in the National Assembly. It is
only when two-thirds of all the members of each
house of the National Assembly have passed a Bill to
amend any provision of the Constitution that the
concurrence (resolution) of at least two-thirds of the
thirty-six Houses of Assembly in the country and
presidential assent will be required for same to
become law. If the subject of amendment relates to
Section 8 (State creation) or Chapter four
(fundamental human rights) of the Constitution, at
least four-fifth of all the members of each house
must support the amendment.
Although there is no specific provision for
presidential assent for the purpose of altering the
Constitution under Section 9, it is submitted that
since the Constitution can only be amended through
the instrumentality of an Act of the National
Assembly, a presidential assent is required.
This argument is anchored on the provisions of
Section 58 (1) of the Constitution which provides
that “the power of the National Assembly to make
laws shall be exercised by bills passed by both the
Senate and the House of Representatives and,
except as provided for under subsection (5) of this
section, assented to by the president”. Under the
subsection (5) supra, the National Assembly can
override the veto of the president where the latter
withholds his assent. Furthermore, by Section 2 (1)
of the Interpretation Act Cap. I23 L.F.N. 2004, “An
Act is passed when the Bill for the Act is assented to
by the President”.
A community reading of the provisions of Sections 9
and 58 (1) of the Constitution leads to the irresistible
conclusion that a presidential assent is mandatory in
the alteration of the Constitution. It is a trite
principle of constitutional interpretation that the
provisions of the Constitution should be read as
whole and not in isolation. The Supreme Court of
Nigeria had settled this principle in the locus
classicus case of Attorney-General of Bendel State
v. Attorney-General of the Federation (1983) NSCC
181.
The Federal High Court, Lagos Division, presided
over by Justice Okechukwu Okeke had rightly held in
November 2010 that the first and second alterations
to the 1999 Constitution were inchoate (incomplete)
except assented to by the president. A former
president of the Nigerian Bar Association, Mr Olisa
Agbakoba, had sued the National Assembly for
failing to send the alteration Act(s) to the president
for assent.
The 1999 Constitution has so far been subjected to
three successful alterations. The fourth alteration
Act which had, inter alia, sought to dispense with
presidential assent to the alteration of the
Constitution, was truncated because former
president Goodluck Jonathan vetoed it. The threat by
the seventh National Assembly to override
Jonathan’s veto to the fourth alteratation Act led to
a legal battle in the Supreme Court between the
President and the National Assembly. Eventually, the
dispute was settled out of court just before the end
of the last administration in May 2015.
Our current bicameral legislature is a creation of the
Constitution. Therefore, it can only be changed in
favour of a unicamaral or simple house parliament if
the Constitution is amended to that effect by the
National Assembly and assented to by the president.
This involves a long but achievable process which
can be initiated through the sponsorship of a
constitution alteration bill by either a member of the
National Assembly; the Executive or a private citizen
through a member of the National Assembly.
Another possible way of actualising a unicamaral
legislature for the federation is through a Sovereign
National Conference (SNC). However, the
convocation of a SNC must be preceded by an
established legal framework. In which case, recourse
must still be made to the National Assembly to put
the necessary legal framework in place. The last
attempt to hold a national conversation on the future
and structure of the country did not meet the
aspirations of progressive Nigerians.
The last National Conference convened by former
president Jonathan was a far cry from what the
proginators of the idea of a nation conference
wanted. Notwithstanding its limitations and
deficiencies, there were commendable
recommendations in the report of the conference
that should be implemented in the interest of
national cohesion.
It should be noted that the paternity of the current
1999 Constitution is traceable to Constitution of the
Federal Republic of Nigeria (Promulgation) Decree
No 24 of 1999 promulgated on the 5th day of May
1999 by General Abdulsalami Abubakar, the then
Head of State and Commander-in-Chief of the
Armed Forces Federal Republic of Nigeria.
Since the Constitution itself is the child of a Decree
(now an Act of the National Assembly by virtue of
Section 315 of the Constitution), her life and
existence can be brought to an end by repealing
Decree 24 of 1999. This will only require a simple
majority vote of all the members of each house of
the National Assembly and the assent of the
president. The SNC can then be empowered by the
repealing Act to draft a new constitution for the
country that will establish, among others, a single
house of parliament for the federation.
Unfortunately, there is no clear provision under the
Constitution for a national referendum in the country
on critical issues that affects the corporate existence
and structure of the Nigerian state. The implication
is that the Nigerian people are not constitutionally
empowered to determine the fate, structure and
system of government of their country except by
voting for their preferred candidates and political
parties during elections and by engaging in civic
engagements like protests, etc.
Ironically, Section 14 (2) (a) of the Constitution
declares that “sovereignty belongs to the people of
Nigeria through whom government by this
Constitution derives all its powers and authority”,
that provision apart from being non-justiciable by
virtue of Section 6 (6) (c) of the Constitution, does
not guarantee the Nigerian people the practical
assertion of sovereign power over their government
and country.
Except there is a new legal order in the country by
way of a revolution – either through a military coup
or a people driven national mass movement similar
to the Arab spring, it is constitutionally not possible
for the current system of government whether in the
legislative, executive or the judicial arm to be
changed without reference to the National Assembly.
I need to say clearly that military intervention is an
anathema to democracy and civilization and would
never be tolerated again in this country by Nigerians
and the international community. Therefore, that
option is not open for consideration.
The saddening reality today is that the vast majority
of Nigerians are neither willing nor prepared to take
back their country. This is why the advocacy for the
abolition of the Senate may never be actualized until
our people rise above the cleavages orchestrated by
political partisanship and the obsession for divisive
ethnic-religious interests.
For the National Assembly to sit and consider
altering its structure in the national interest will not
only amount to an act in self-censorship but self-
annihilation. No matter how imperative such an
objective may seem, the current crop of legislators
in Nigeria are too destitute in patriotism to even
contemplate such a radical and privative objective. It
is simply impossible.
The National Assembly is populated largely by people
who are after their primordial and pecuniary
interests. We have in the National Assembly people
that are under criminal investigations in Nigeria and
abroad. Though they may appear divided at times on
issues of policy, they are unapologetically united in
matters that affects their welfare and collective
existence. Our MPs are not willing to consider any
proposal that will seem like a class suicide. The
National Assembly members will not advert their
minds to their tribes, regions, religion or political
parties the day the issue of abolishing the Senate
comes up for deliberation in the National Assembly.
In 2012, Senegalese MPs voted to abolish the senate
as part of moves to help the victims of deadly floods
that ravaged the country at the time. President
Macky Sall had said the money reserved for the
upper house – about $15m – will also go towards
preventing further flooding.
Unlike Senegal, our legislators are proposing
legislations to protect and entrench themselves. It is
most improbable for lawmakers who have refused to
cut their prohibitive and abominable allowances to
alter the Constitution and abolish the Senate. We are
talking about lawmakers that have the unmerited
record as the highest paid in the world.
It is true that the bicameral legislature is too
expensive for the country to maintain. We cannot
continue to service the insatiable propensity of 109
senators and 360 members of the House of
Representatives. Their bogus allowances is not
sustainable. Let us revert to a part-time legislature
where lawmakers will only sit when occasion
demands and receive sitting allowances only. We
can endure the House of Representatives; but the
Senate should be abolished.
The starting point is credible elections. Our electoral
process should be sanitised. It is only when
lawmaker are freely and fairly elected by the people
that the desire for a unicamaral legislature will be
given serious attention by the National Assembly. We
must constantly engage our representatives. Recent
developments in the National Assembly has shown
that with vigilance and civic action by the citizens,
we can force our lawmakers to do our wish.
Let the struggle continue.
Inibehe Effiong is a Constitutional Lawyer and the
Convener of the Coalition of Human Rights
Defenders (COHRD).
inibehe.effiong@gmail.com
Monday, 18 April 2016
Senator Omoworare takes on CCT Act amendments
The Senate committee chairman on Rules and Business bear his minds on the proposed amendment of code of conduct tribunal and code of conduct bureau act,which I found very interesting to share;
LEGISLATIVE SACRILEGE: PURPORTED AMENDMENT OF THE CCB&T & ACJA ACTS by Senator Babajide Omoworare
Instead of making uninformed contribution on Senate Bill 248 - A Bill for an Act to Amend the Code of Conduct Bureau and Tribunal Act Cap. C15, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria 2004 and for other Related Matters proposed by Senator Peter Nwabuoshi; I have decided to have a deep breath and have a second look at the laws and other ancillary matters. Let me say ab initio without mincing words that I oppose the Bill in toto on points of law and I am averse to same for moral reasons, having taken more than a cursory look at the Constitution, the Code of Conduct Bureau and Tribunal Act, the Bill in question and the Lead Debate of Senator Nwabuoshi.
It is important to note that another Bill is pending before the Senate: Senate Bill 249 - A Bill for an Act to Amend the Administration of Criminal Justice Act, 2015; and for Other Related Matters by Senator Isah Misau. The purport of the amendment is to amend Section thereof and ensure that the ACJA does not apply not only to Court Martial, but also to such other Courts and Tribunals not listed in Section 6 (6) of the Constitution. I have also looked at the ACJA and this Bill and I do not agree with same.
As stated earlier the thrust from my informed perspective of proposed amendment of the Administration of Justice Act, 2015 is to remove the Code of Conduct Tribunal from Courts that the ACJA provisions will be applied. Thus, the Bill provides thus: “(2) the provisions of this Act shall not apply to a court martial and such other courts or Tribunal not being courts created and listed under section 6(6) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 as amended”. Therefore! the Code of Conduct Tribunal, not expressly listed under section 6 (6) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 as amended, the provisions of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act, 2015 will not be applicable to it.
The nature of the formal Bill is to ensure that Public Official is invited and he or she gives a written statement before an action is filed by the Bureau before the Tribunal. Senator Nwabuoshi argued in his Lead Debate that doing otherwise is unconstitutional in view of Section 36 (2) (a) of the Constitution. The Bill also purports to amend Paragraph 17 of the Third Schedule of the CCB&T Act. For all intents and purposes, the said Paragraph 17 allows the use of the Criminal Procedure Act (CPA) and the Criminal Procedure Code (CPC) for the Southern and Northern Nigeria respectively. With the promulgation of the ACJA in 2015 by the 7th Senate, CPA AND CPC have been 'substituted' by ACJA. He further argued that going by the Long Title of the extant Act, the Act does not "contemplate" a criminal trial
The foregoing is the essence and the intention of the Distinguished Senators who are the Sponsors of this Bill.
My opposition to the CCB&T Amendment Bill, which has been committed to the Senate Committees on Judiciary, Human Rights and legal Matters; and the Senate Committee on Anti-Corruption, and the ACJA Amendment Bill is that it will make the CCT a glorified Magistrate Court, which it is not. The ACJA will stop applying to it. Whilst I admit that the CCT is not listed in Section 6 of the Constitution, it would have been better to bring an amendment under the Constitution to add it. Already, the CCT exercises criminal jurisdiction. This so because the proceedings before the Tribunal is criminal proceedings similar to the courts listed under Section 6(6).
Usually, trial before the Code of Conduct Tribunal is commenced with a formal charge containing the offences of the accused, it is the State, through the Attorney General of the Federation that normal prosecute any Public Officer that contravenes the Code of Conduct, plea are also taken, the accused usually sit in the Dock "accused box" and most importantly, the Constitution gives the Code of Conduct Tribunal power to impose punishment under paragraph 18(2) of the fifth schedule, part 1 to the Constitution.
The Black’s law Dictionary, eight edition at page 1269 defines "punishment" thus;
“A sanction-such as a fine, penalty, confinement, or loss of property, right, or privilege-assessed a person who has violate the law”.
Glanville Williams in his book Criminal Law of page 575 equally defines "punishment" thus;
“Punishment in all its forms is a loss of right and advantages consequent on a breach of law. When it loses this quality it degenerates into an arbitrary act of violence that can produce nothing but bad social effects”.
However, there are very interesting things or powers the Code of Conduct Tribunal enjoys under the fifth schedule, part 1 to the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended) which makes of the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended).
So we can see that the word “punishment “is used in relation to criminal proceedings it is a consequence on a commission of crime.
Hence the proceeding before the Code of Conduct Tribunal is Criminal in nature and as such there must be Rules of Procedure to guide the proceeding before it. More importantly, appeal from the Code of Conduct Tribunal, like the above mentioned courts, lies at the Court of Appeal. Paragraph 18(4) of the fifth schedule, part 1 to the 1999Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria provides thus;
“Where the Code of Conduct Tribunal gives a decision as to whether or not aperson is guilty of a contravention of any of the provisions of this code, an appeal shall lie as of right from such decision or from any punishment imposed on such person to the court of Appeal at the instance of any party to the proceedings.”
Whilst the foregoing has shown enough that provision of punishment indicates that CCT is a Criminal Court, more importantly Item 18 (2) (a) (b) (c) show that acts of vacation of office or seat; disqualification from holding legislative office or public office for a period not exceeding 10 years and seizure of properties acquired in abuse or corruption of office; amount to "punishment".
The most interesting jurisprudential point of law however seems to be that the same facts that form the cause of action in the matter in the CCT, may form the cause of action in another Criminal court for further actions (for instance, prosecution to conviction and sentencing) without amounting to "Res Judicata", "Plea of Autrefois acquit or convict" ( See Section 277 ACJA 2015), or "Double Jeopardy" (Item 18 (3) Fifth Schedule of the Constitution).
The Long Title of a Bill, not containing "Crime" is no conclusive argument that the CCB&T Act does not envisage criminal proceedings at CCT, in fact, as can be gleaned from the above, the converse is true situation.
Furthermore, the Supreme Court had ruled against the Senate President that the Code of Conduct Tribunal is a court of law.
If Administration of Justice Act, 2015 is not applicable to the proceedings of the Tribunal, which rules of procedure will be applicable? So there will be a serious lacuna if the Sponsors of this Bill succeed in seeing that the amendment is passed and becomes law.
In addition to the foregoing, the CCT even though not among the courts listed under section 6(6) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, is my humble submission of the same status as the Federal High Court, State High Court and the National Industrial Courts. Items 67 and 68 of the Exclusive Legislative List are quite wide enough to accommodate same.
Be that as it may, instead of amending the Administration of Criminal Justice, Act 2015, why can’t we amend the Constitution to list the Code of Conduct Tribunal among the courts listed under section 6(6) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended).
The concomitant effect of the proposed amendments is to exclude the use of the ACJA in the matters relating to CCT. Less we forget, the ACJA passed by the 7th Senate enables matters to be expeditiously prosecuted. Trials are now meant to be taken "day by day" instead of the grant of long adjournments ( see Section 396 (3) & (4)). Furthermore, gone were the days when an interlocutory appeal is filed and a stay of proceedings is obtained until the interlocutory appeal is dispensed with (see Section 306 ACJA 2015).
Penultimately, I will like to address the issue of the effect in the unlikely event of the passage of these Bills. Any matter pending at the moment can not be affected by any amendment! A law with criminal flavor cannot have retrospective effect! Section 4(9) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended) states as follows:
“Notwithstanding the foregoing provisions of this section, the National Assembly or a House of Assembly shall not, in relation to any criminal offence whatsoever, have power to make any law which shall have retrospective effect.”
My position therefore is that these amendments to both the CCB&T Act and the ACJA Act amount (as seen above) not only strange in law, but remains morally a legislative desecration of the hallowed red chambers and ethically a parliamentary sacrilege of all known urbane tenets of a civil society. The timing seems injurious and the acts seem self seeking and self regarding. I take an immediate note that the Deputy Senate President sat on the day the Second Reading came up; without impugning on Order 53 Rule 7 of the Senate Standing Rules - which forbids imputation of "improper" motives to any other Senator, this alone does not satisfy the strict test of nemo judex in causa sua (a judge does not sit in his own cause) on the part of the Senate President, but also on the part of the entire Senate. The Senate President and the Senate as a whole will be judged in the public space has suffering from desperation of no small proportion.
Babajide Omoworare CON is the Senator Representing Osun East Senatorial District and the Chairman Senate Committee on Rules and Business.
LEGISLATIVE SACRILEGE: PURPORTED AMENDMENT OF THE CCB&T & ACJA ACTS by Senator Babajide Omoworare
Instead of making uninformed contribution on Senate Bill 248 - A Bill for an Act to Amend the Code of Conduct Bureau and Tribunal Act Cap. C15, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria 2004 and for other Related Matters proposed by Senator Peter Nwabuoshi; I have decided to have a deep breath and have a second look at the laws and other ancillary matters. Let me say ab initio without mincing words that I oppose the Bill in toto on points of law and I am averse to same for moral reasons, having taken more than a cursory look at the Constitution, the Code of Conduct Bureau and Tribunal Act, the Bill in question and the Lead Debate of Senator Nwabuoshi.
It is important to note that another Bill is pending before the Senate: Senate Bill 249 - A Bill for an Act to Amend the Administration of Criminal Justice Act, 2015; and for Other Related Matters by Senator Isah Misau. The purport of the amendment is to amend Section thereof and ensure that the ACJA does not apply not only to Court Martial, but also to such other Courts and Tribunals not listed in Section 6 (6) of the Constitution. I have also looked at the ACJA and this Bill and I do not agree with same.
As stated earlier the thrust from my informed perspective of proposed amendment of the Administration of Justice Act, 2015 is to remove the Code of Conduct Tribunal from Courts that the ACJA provisions will be applied. Thus, the Bill provides thus: “(2) the provisions of this Act shall not apply to a court martial and such other courts or Tribunal not being courts created and listed under section 6(6) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 as amended”. Therefore! the Code of Conduct Tribunal, not expressly listed under section 6 (6) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 as amended, the provisions of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act, 2015 will not be applicable to it.
The nature of the formal Bill is to ensure that Public Official is invited and he or she gives a written statement before an action is filed by the Bureau before the Tribunal. Senator Nwabuoshi argued in his Lead Debate that doing otherwise is unconstitutional in view of Section 36 (2) (a) of the Constitution. The Bill also purports to amend Paragraph 17 of the Third Schedule of the CCB&T Act. For all intents and purposes, the said Paragraph 17 allows the use of the Criminal Procedure Act (CPA) and the Criminal Procedure Code (CPC) for the Southern and Northern Nigeria respectively. With the promulgation of the ACJA in 2015 by the 7th Senate, CPA AND CPC have been 'substituted' by ACJA. He further argued that going by the Long Title of the extant Act, the Act does not "contemplate" a criminal trial
The foregoing is the essence and the intention of the Distinguished Senators who are the Sponsors of this Bill.
My opposition to the CCB&T Amendment Bill, which has been committed to the Senate Committees on Judiciary, Human Rights and legal Matters; and the Senate Committee on Anti-Corruption, and the ACJA Amendment Bill is that it will make the CCT a glorified Magistrate Court, which it is not. The ACJA will stop applying to it. Whilst I admit that the CCT is not listed in Section 6 of the Constitution, it would have been better to bring an amendment under the Constitution to add it. Already, the CCT exercises criminal jurisdiction. This so because the proceedings before the Tribunal is criminal proceedings similar to the courts listed under Section 6(6).
Usually, trial before the Code of Conduct Tribunal is commenced with a formal charge containing the offences of the accused, it is the State, through the Attorney General of the Federation that normal prosecute any Public Officer that contravenes the Code of Conduct, plea are also taken, the accused usually sit in the Dock "accused box" and most importantly, the Constitution gives the Code of Conduct Tribunal power to impose punishment under paragraph 18(2) of the fifth schedule, part 1 to the Constitution.
The Black’s law Dictionary, eight edition at page 1269 defines "punishment" thus;
“A sanction-such as a fine, penalty, confinement, or loss of property, right, or privilege-assessed a person who has violate the law”.
Glanville Williams in his book Criminal Law of page 575 equally defines "punishment" thus;
“Punishment in all its forms is a loss of right and advantages consequent on a breach of law. When it loses this quality it degenerates into an arbitrary act of violence that can produce nothing but bad social effects”.
However, there are very interesting things or powers the Code of Conduct Tribunal enjoys under the fifth schedule, part 1 to the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended) which makes of the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended).
So we can see that the word “punishment “is used in relation to criminal proceedings it is a consequence on a commission of crime.
Hence the proceeding before the Code of Conduct Tribunal is Criminal in nature and as such there must be Rules of Procedure to guide the proceeding before it. More importantly, appeal from the Code of Conduct Tribunal, like the above mentioned courts, lies at the Court of Appeal. Paragraph 18(4) of the fifth schedule, part 1 to the 1999Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria provides thus;
“Where the Code of Conduct Tribunal gives a decision as to whether or not aperson is guilty of a contravention of any of the provisions of this code, an appeal shall lie as of right from such decision or from any punishment imposed on such person to the court of Appeal at the instance of any party to the proceedings.”
Whilst the foregoing has shown enough that provision of punishment indicates that CCT is a Criminal Court, more importantly Item 18 (2) (a) (b) (c) show that acts of vacation of office or seat; disqualification from holding legislative office or public office for a period not exceeding 10 years and seizure of properties acquired in abuse or corruption of office; amount to "punishment".
The most interesting jurisprudential point of law however seems to be that the same facts that form the cause of action in the matter in the CCT, may form the cause of action in another Criminal court for further actions (for instance, prosecution to conviction and sentencing) without amounting to "Res Judicata", "Plea of Autrefois acquit or convict" ( See Section 277 ACJA 2015), or "Double Jeopardy" (Item 18 (3) Fifth Schedule of the Constitution).
The Long Title of a Bill, not containing "Crime" is no conclusive argument that the CCB&T Act does not envisage criminal proceedings at CCT, in fact, as can be gleaned from the above, the converse is true situation.
Furthermore, the Supreme Court had ruled against the Senate President that the Code of Conduct Tribunal is a court of law.
If Administration of Justice Act, 2015 is not applicable to the proceedings of the Tribunal, which rules of procedure will be applicable? So there will be a serious lacuna if the Sponsors of this Bill succeed in seeing that the amendment is passed and becomes law.
In addition to the foregoing, the CCT even though not among the courts listed under section 6(6) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, is my humble submission of the same status as the Federal High Court, State High Court and the National Industrial Courts. Items 67 and 68 of the Exclusive Legislative List are quite wide enough to accommodate same.
Be that as it may, instead of amending the Administration of Criminal Justice, Act 2015, why can’t we amend the Constitution to list the Code of Conduct Tribunal among the courts listed under section 6(6) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended).
The concomitant effect of the proposed amendments is to exclude the use of the ACJA in the matters relating to CCT. Less we forget, the ACJA passed by the 7th Senate enables matters to be expeditiously prosecuted. Trials are now meant to be taken "day by day" instead of the grant of long adjournments ( see Section 396 (3) & (4)). Furthermore, gone were the days when an interlocutory appeal is filed and a stay of proceedings is obtained until the interlocutory appeal is dispensed with (see Section 306 ACJA 2015).
Penultimately, I will like to address the issue of the effect in the unlikely event of the passage of these Bills. Any matter pending at the moment can not be affected by any amendment! A law with criminal flavor cannot have retrospective effect! Section 4(9) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended) states as follows:
“Notwithstanding the foregoing provisions of this section, the National Assembly or a House of Assembly shall not, in relation to any criminal offence whatsoever, have power to make any law which shall have retrospective effect.”
My position therefore is that these amendments to both the CCB&T Act and the ACJA Act amount (as seen above) not only strange in law, but remains morally a legislative desecration of the hallowed red chambers and ethically a parliamentary sacrilege of all known urbane tenets of a civil society. The timing seems injurious and the acts seem self seeking and self regarding. I take an immediate note that the Deputy Senate President sat on the day the Second Reading came up; without impugning on Order 53 Rule 7 of the Senate Standing Rules - which forbids imputation of "improper" motives to any other Senator, this alone does not satisfy the strict test of nemo judex in causa sua (a judge does not sit in his own cause) on the part of the Senate President, but also on the part of the entire Senate. The Senate President and the Senate as a whole will be judged in the public space has suffering from desperation of no small proportion.
Babajide Omoworare CON is the Senator Representing Osun East Senatorial District and the Chairman Senate Committee on Rules and Business.
Is Saraki gone?
Most observers of Nigeria political terrain were highly upset by the infallible method the current Senate president employed in fighting his corruption case because of the shame he has cause the exalted post of the Senate president of the federal republic of Nigeria. But this writer captured my imagination.
THE RISE AND GUARANTEED FALL OF BUKOLA SARAKI...
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Saraki left the PDP for personal reasons, not because he wanted CHANGE. This is evident in his behaviour since APC became victorious. APC trusted Saraki, took control from Belgore just to
please Saraki. APC asked both Belgore and Lai Mohammed to relinquish the state leadership to
Saraki. While Lai choicelessly agreed, Belgore left APC saying 'I can never be in the same party with Saraki talkless of him leading me'. Raji Fashola spoke and appealed to his bosom friend Belgore not to leave APC but the latter sought Fashola's
understanding on the fact that Saraki is not a human being and that APC will regret having Saraki in its fold.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
APC openly celebrated Saraki. Saraki nominated every single political appointments in Kwara. He took over the structure of the APC in Kwara. APC narrowly won Kwara with a little over 100k votes above the PDP. Race for Senate Leadership began. This slot would have naturally gone to the SE had Ngige or other experienced APC senatorial
candidate won but APC NASS conflict's foundation was laid by the rejection of the party in the SE! Therefore, 3 major lucky contenders
were jostling for the Senate President position. Lawan from NE, Saraki and Akume from NS all
wanted to fill the vacuum created by the SE.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Buhari and APC preferred Lawan from the NE instead of Tinubu's friend Akume and Atiku's choice Saraki. Tinubu being a smart man quickly asked his friend Akume to step down for the Party's and President's choice Lawan. Akume,
another reasonable politician agreed!
Tinubu is not just a driver, he also knows when to accelerate and when to step on the brakes!!!
Atiku and Saraki kept on accelerating even when it was obvious that the duo have approached the zebra crossing!!! A warrior that knows how to fight that does not know how to run when necessary will eventually perish in the battlefield!
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Saraki and his pushers became arrogant and resolute to disgrace the APC and the President.
All appeals by leaders of their party did not hold water. Saraki said he wanted due process, hence, the party organized a primary election to please him. In the open and transparent due processed
primaries, Saraki lost the election and instead of staying within his team and agree with the APC
Senators decision, he betrayed the APC and teamed up with the PDP to steal the hard earned victory of the APC through the back door. He wanted SP even if heavens will fall. He eventually stole it while 95% of his colleagues were away, he joined the PDP to ridicule CHANGE. He did not stop there, he made the PDP DSP!!! Ha! What wickedness??? What a deadly traitor??? The party
was battling with the humble pie and sought further reconciliation by asking Saraki to give other leadership positions left to its preferred choices, at least to calm nerves and save the party from national disgrace, but Saraki once
again injured the party and announced his own preferred choices behaving like 'IGE ADUBI' the
one who cares less whether or not his mother or father died on the day of his birth!
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
The intentions of Saraki became very clear to. He wants the APC to fail, disgraced and destroyed for ambitions that have 2019 written all
over it. He had gone back to his former husband the PDP, a party many of them left because they
said "its a den of corrupt visionless people".
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
But the concern of Buhari is different from the APC's. Buhari wants to eradicate corruption but how can Kwara Corruption King lead from the
senate??? Number one priority of Buhari's administration has been ambushed by thieves from the NASS. Buhari, a soldier and a war tested veteran will not give up the fight to eradicate corruption in Nigeria. His preference for Lawan has nothing to do with politics but with policies! Saraki obviously has
constituted himself to be a clog in the wheels of CHANGE. He had become the arrow head of Business as Usual in a government of CHANGE!
Therefore his book of remembrance was opened. His judgement became expedient. Since he wanted to be one of the leaders in the government of Change, he must be thoroughly
searched.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Buhari the first leader had been searched, Osinbajo the second leader had been searched, so why will Saraki the 'third' leader avoid search??? You cannot eat your cake and have it!!! And as each day progresses, it is becoming increasingly clear that this 8th assembly led by Saraki would
be the butt of all jokes. Imagine an assembly that a bill as important as the money laundering act from the president is toyed with since January, while the one involving CCT that is to 'help a neighbour while his house is burning' scaled second reading within 48 hrs. What a big shame to the nation.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Until a selfless leader emerges as the senate president, even the one who professes common sense would continue to be a tiger on twitter and
a cat on the floor of house. We the people must rescue our nation from the greedy lots who call themselves senators. # OccupyNassNow is a
MUST. # SarakiMustResign is non-negotiable.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Those who want to hold high positions in Nigeria would henceforth check themselves very well. You
dare not present yourself if you have skeletons in your cupboard. This is not a joke! CHANGE has come to Nigeria and he who must come to equity must come with clean hands! And that is what we mean by Common Sense Revolution!
Let the revolution begin now.
Credits: GEORGE OLUWANIYI & ILORI MICHAEL.
THE RISE AND GUARANTEED FALL OF BUKOLA SARAKI...
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Saraki left the PDP for personal reasons, not because he wanted CHANGE. This is evident in his behaviour since APC became victorious. APC trusted Saraki, took control from Belgore just to
please Saraki. APC asked both Belgore and Lai Mohammed to relinquish the state leadership to
Saraki. While Lai choicelessly agreed, Belgore left APC saying 'I can never be in the same party with Saraki talkless of him leading me'. Raji Fashola spoke and appealed to his bosom friend Belgore not to leave APC but the latter sought Fashola's
understanding on the fact that Saraki is not a human being and that APC will regret having Saraki in its fold.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
APC openly celebrated Saraki. Saraki nominated every single political appointments in Kwara. He took over the structure of the APC in Kwara. APC narrowly won Kwara with a little over 100k votes above the PDP. Race for Senate Leadership began. This slot would have naturally gone to the SE had Ngige or other experienced APC senatorial
candidate won but APC NASS conflict's foundation was laid by the rejection of the party in the SE! Therefore, 3 major lucky contenders
were jostling for the Senate President position. Lawan from NE, Saraki and Akume from NS all
wanted to fill the vacuum created by the SE.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Buhari and APC preferred Lawan from the NE instead of Tinubu's friend Akume and Atiku's choice Saraki. Tinubu being a smart man quickly asked his friend Akume to step down for the Party's and President's choice Lawan. Akume,
another reasonable politician agreed!
Tinubu is not just a driver, he also knows when to accelerate and when to step on the brakes!!!
Atiku and Saraki kept on accelerating even when it was obvious that the duo have approached the zebra crossing!!! A warrior that knows how to fight that does not know how to run when necessary will eventually perish in the battlefield!
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Saraki and his pushers became arrogant and resolute to disgrace the APC and the President.
All appeals by leaders of their party did not hold water. Saraki said he wanted due process, hence, the party organized a primary election to please him. In the open and transparent due processed
primaries, Saraki lost the election and instead of staying within his team and agree with the APC
Senators decision, he betrayed the APC and teamed up with the PDP to steal the hard earned victory of the APC through the back door. He wanted SP even if heavens will fall. He eventually stole it while 95% of his colleagues were away, he joined the PDP to ridicule CHANGE. He did not stop there, he made the PDP DSP!!! Ha! What wickedness??? What a deadly traitor??? The party
was battling with the humble pie and sought further reconciliation by asking Saraki to give other leadership positions left to its preferred choices, at least to calm nerves and save the party from national disgrace, but Saraki once
again injured the party and announced his own preferred choices behaving like 'IGE ADUBI' the
one who cares less whether or not his mother or father died on the day of his birth!
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
The intentions of Saraki became very clear to. He wants the APC to fail, disgraced and destroyed for ambitions that have 2019 written all
over it. He had gone back to his former husband the PDP, a party many of them left because they
said "its a den of corrupt visionless people".
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
But the concern of Buhari is different from the APC's. Buhari wants to eradicate corruption but how can Kwara Corruption King lead from the
senate??? Number one priority of Buhari's administration has been ambushed by thieves from the NASS. Buhari, a soldier and a war tested veteran will not give up the fight to eradicate corruption in Nigeria. His preference for Lawan has nothing to do with politics but with policies! Saraki obviously has
constituted himself to be a clog in the wheels of CHANGE. He had become the arrow head of Business as Usual in a government of CHANGE!
Therefore his book of remembrance was opened. His judgement became expedient. Since he wanted to be one of the leaders in the government of Change, he must be thoroughly
searched.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Buhari the first leader had been searched, Osinbajo the second leader had been searched, so why will Saraki the 'third' leader avoid search??? You cannot eat your cake and have it!!! And as each day progresses, it is becoming increasingly clear that this 8th assembly led by Saraki would
be the butt of all jokes. Imagine an assembly that a bill as important as the money laundering act from the president is toyed with since January, while the one involving CCT that is to 'help a neighbour while his house is burning' scaled second reading within 48 hrs. What a big shame to the nation.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Until a selfless leader emerges as the senate president, even the one who professes common sense would continue to be a tiger on twitter and
a cat on the floor of house. We the people must rescue our nation from the greedy lots who call themselves senators. # OccupyNassNow is a
MUST. # SarakiMustResign is non-negotiable.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Those who want to hold high positions in Nigeria would henceforth check themselves very well. You
dare not present yourself if you have skeletons in your cupboard. This is not a joke! CHANGE has come to Nigeria and he who must come to equity must come with clean hands! And that is what we mean by Common Sense Revolution!
Let the revolution begin now.
Credits: GEORGE OLUWANIYI & ILORI MICHAEL.
Wednesday, 13 April 2016
Knows your senators phone number- call this NASS to order
Recently happening in Nigeria is now reaching a dangerous precedent and deserves urgent public movement to stop corruption from fighting back, Nigeria is now on the edge, this is more explains by reactions of CUPS to stop this dangerous Senate;
OPERATION #SARAKI_MUST_GO! -
There have been two significant developments in Nigerian politics today. Both of them are patently unhealthy developments forced on suffering Nigerians from the traitors at NASS.
The first development is the CUPS revelation of a leaked document showing that the Chairman of House of Reps Appropriation Committee, Abdulmumin Jibrin, has awarded a whopping N4.31 billion fraudulent projects to his constituency.
The second and most disturbing development is the revelation that the fraudulent Senate Preident, Bukola Saraki, has resorted to changing Nigeria's constitution to escape justice at the CCT.
Senate insiders said that Saraki has purchased 36 Toyota Landcruiser V8 engine Sport Utility Vehicles to bribe each Senator that agrees to endorse the change of Code of Conduct and Criminal Justice laws in the constitution.
Fellow compatriot, Nigeria has never had it so bad!
It is time to occupy NASS. Make sure you don't miss it. The date is 19th April to 21st April.
May God save Nigeria and Nigerians. Amen.
Dr. Idris Ahmed.
@CUPS_Nigeria.
12/4/2016.
But in order for everyone to be a participants on this project to save Nigeria phone numbers Of all senator were published to enable the electorate liaise with their senator representing their constituency to act in their best interest and stops being an accolades of the apostle of corruption hell bent in returning to old corrupt way.
Here are the name and phone number of senator and their constituent;
OPERATION #SARAKI_MUST_GO! -
There have been two significant developments in Nigerian politics today. Both of them are patently unhealthy developments forced on suffering Nigerians from the traitors at NASS.
The first development is the CUPS revelation of a leaked document showing that the Chairman of House of Reps Appropriation Committee, Abdulmumin Jibrin, has awarded a whopping N4.31 billion fraudulent projects to his constituency.
The second and most disturbing development is the revelation that the fraudulent Senate Preident, Bukola Saraki, has resorted to changing Nigeria's constitution to escape justice at the CCT.
Senate insiders said that Saraki has purchased 36 Toyota Landcruiser V8 engine Sport Utility Vehicles to bribe each Senator that agrees to endorse the change of Code of Conduct and Criminal Justice laws in the constitution.
Fellow compatriot, Nigeria has never had it so bad!
It is time to occupy NASS. Make sure you don't miss it. The date is 19th April to 21st April.
May God save Nigeria and Nigerians. Amen.
Dr. Idris Ahmed.
@CUPS_Nigeria.
12/4/2016.
But in order for everyone to be a participants on this project to save Nigeria phone numbers Of all senator were published to enable the electorate liaise with their senator representing their constituency to act in their best interest and stops being an accolades of the apostle of corruption hell bent in returning to old corrupt way.
Here are the name and phone number of senator and their constituent;
Saturday, 9 April 2016
Should Senate President Saraki step down?
Since the code of conduct bureau charged the Senate president to code of conduct tribunal for false declaration of assets, there had been a contending issues among Nigerian that he should step down from the exalted office in order to save it from disrepute.
Most organization step up pressure to forced the Senate president to resign such as CUPS so let see their view;
OPERATION #SARAKI_MUST_GO – DAY 4.
Without shred of a doubt, Bukola Saraki is the most dangerous politician today in Nigerian political landscape. Unlike any other politician in APC or PDP, he remains a divisive figure and a real threat to the corporate existence of the Nigerian state.
Here are some of the legal reasons and why we strongly believe that #Saraki_Must_Go!
Did you know that the Federal Ministry of Justice had since 29/7/2015 recommended the prosecution of Bukola Saraki and his co-conspirators, who forged the Senate Standing Orders to fraudulently elect him as the Senate President?
Ministry of Justice document with reference number DPPA/ADV/258/15, had recommended that Saraki and his co-conspirators should be prosecuted for criminal conspiracy, forgery, breach of official trust and unlawful assembly.
The Deputy Inspector General of Police (DIG), Criminal Investigation Department, Force Headquarters, Dan’Azumi Doma, had earlier conducted a preliminary investigation of the forgery of the Senate Standing Orders and filed a 13 page damning report with with reference number CB: 3514/XFQ/ABJ/Vol./23/17.
This report was sent to the Ministry of Justice by Doma, seeking for legal advice on the line of action to taker. In preparation for court appearance, the police gave the forgery scandal a case reference number: FHQ/X/ABJ/SEB/365/2015.
DIG Doma's 13 page preliminary report made 7 startling findings, which are outlined below:
(1) That on the 9/6/2015, a document titled “the Senate Standing Order 2015 as amended” was unlawfully distributed to senators of the 8th Senate for their inauguration as members
(2) That the contents of the Senate Standing Order 2015 as amended are substantially different from the Senate Standing Order 2011 as amended. Sections 2(iv), 3(3)E, I,ii,iii, G and H, 5 and 7 of the Rules are different in the two Orders.
(3) That the Senate Standing Order 2015 as amended was used by the clerks of the National Assembly and the Senate as the Senate Standing Orders to fraudulently inaugurate and conduct elections into the offices of the presiding officials of the Senate, namely the Senate President, the Deputy Senate President etc.
(4) That the testimonies of some members of the 7th Senate including that of the chairman of the Business and Rules Committee and Senators of the 7th Senate indicate that the Senate Standing Order 2011 was not amended during the tenure of the 7th Senate which ended on the 8/6/ 2015.
(5) That the procedure for the amendment of the Senate Standing Order as contained in Section 110 of the Senate Standing Order 2011 as amended stipulates that any amendment to the Senate Standing Orders should be in line with the following procedures:
i Any senator desiring to amend any part of the Rules or adding any new clause shall give notice of such amendments in writing to the President of the Senate giving details of proposed amendment.
ii. The President shall within seven working days cause the amendment to be printed and circulated to members. Thereafter it shall be printed in the Order Paper.
iii. The movers of the amendment shall be allowed to explain in details the proposed amendments, thereafter the Senate shall decide by simple majority votes whether the amendment should be considered.
iv. If the decision is to consider the amendments, then another date shall be set aside by the Rules and Business Committee, whereby opportunity would be given to Senators to further propose amendments but must strictly be confined to the original amendments.
v. Two third majorities shall decide the amendments and such amendments shall form part of the Rules of the Senate.
(6) That the Clerk of the Senate, Mr. Benedict Efeturi, who doubles as the Deputy Clerk of the National Assembly confirmed in his statement that the Senate Standing Order 2015 as amended was produced on the orders of the Senate President, Bukola Saraki, without following the amendment procedures as contained in the Senate Standing Orders 2011 as amended.
(7) That the allusion by the clerk of the Senate to procedure of amending the Standing Orders of Parliament through “practice and not necessarily by procedure” is a misplaced analogy and undemocratic because the Nigerian Senate has clearly laid-down without a proviso, the procedure to be adopted in amending its standing orders as contained in section 110 of 2011 Senate Standing Orders.
The Ministry of Justice legal opinion document (DPPA/ADV/258/15), which reviewed and analysed the report submitted by DIG Doma had concluded that the leadership election of Bukola Saraki was based on forged documents. It cannot stand in the eyes of the law and is therefore null and void!
The document further advised DIG Doma to carry out additional investigation to establish the following facts:
1. Who authorised the promulgation of the Senate Standing Order 2015.
2. Who published the Senate Standing Order 2015.
3. Who approved the Senate Standing Order 2015.
4. Who paid for the publishing of the Senate Standing Order 2015.
5. Who distributed the Senate Standing Order 2015.
When the above facts are established, it would be found that none other than the fraudulent “Senate President”, Bukola Saraki, made the orders.
Conclusion:
Everything about Bukola Saraki is fraudulent. His wealth, his election to office as a governor and subsequently as a senator have all been fraudulent. His accession to the Senate Presidency is also fraudulent.
Whatever happens at his ongoing trial at the CCT, which we believe Saraki will be found guilty of all the 13 charges, we contend that he will never be able to escape the charges of criminal conspiracy, forgery, breach of official trust and unlawful assembly as outlined in the DIG Doma's 13 page police report.
In view of the above compelling factual revelations, we call on all patriotic Nigerians at home and around the world to support operation #Saraki_Must_Go!
Unless we collectively force Saraki out of the Senate to face his various criminal charges in the courts, he will keep holding Nigeria to ransom. This Mafia don has no regret pulling Nigeria down as he is put down for his criminality.
Fellow compatriots, Nigeria is a great nation of over 180 million people who deserve better. For all intent and purposes, we deserve a democratically elected National Assembly with legitimate, patriotic and visionary leadership, to work in harmony with the President, to deliver the aspirations of the masses.
May God save Nigeria and Nigerians. Amen.
Dr. Idris Ahmed.
@CUPS_Nigeria.
8/4/2016.
THE TALE OF TWO CIVILISATIONS.
When it was revealed that Icelandic Prime Minister, Sigmundur David Gunnlaugsson was implicated in the #PanamaPapers scandal, he immediately and gracefully resigned.
Similarly, when Michael Grahammer, the chief executive of Hypo Landesbank Vorarlberg, an Austrian lending bank, was implicated in the massive leak, he too duly resigned from his lucrative job.
The two resignations above are symptomatic of the way things are done in democratic civilised world. Once a question mark appears over a public figure, resignation follows immediately. Nobody is above the laws of the land, not even the Prime Minister.
Unfortunately, the same civilised norm and value system cannot be said about Nigeria, a country that is more than 500 times larger than Iceland in human capital.
When the fraudulent Nigerian "Senate President", Bukola Saraki, was mentioned in the same #PanamaPapers as having four exquisite off-shore properties, the only reaction we received is a disparaging comment from his wife, who laid claim to the properties and dismissed Saraki as an imposter!
Nobody came from outside to teach the Icelandic and Australian people the culture of forcing corrupt officials to resign. They developed this highly desirable culture by themselves. We in Nigeria must have the courage to do the same, otherwise we are doomed!
As a matter of patriotism and urgency, we at CUPS call on all Nigerians to support the #Saraki_Must_Go movement!
May God save Nigeria and Nigerians. Amen.
Dr. Idris Ahmed.
@CUPS_Nigeria.
8/4/2016.
Most organization step up pressure to forced the Senate president to resign such as CUPS so let see their view;
OPERATION #SARAKI_MUST_GO – DAY 4.
Without shred of a doubt, Bukola Saraki is the most dangerous politician today in Nigerian political landscape. Unlike any other politician in APC or PDP, he remains a divisive figure and a real threat to the corporate existence of the Nigerian state.
Here are some of the legal reasons and why we strongly believe that #Saraki_Must_Go!
Did you know that the Federal Ministry of Justice had since 29/7/2015 recommended the prosecution of Bukola Saraki and his co-conspirators, who forged the Senate Standing Orders to fraudulently elect him as the Senate President?
Ministry of Justice document with reference number DPPA/ADV/258/15, had recommended that Saraki and his co-conspirators should be prosecuted for criminal conspiracy, forgery, breach of official trust and unlawful assembly.
The Deputy Inspector General of Police (DIG), Criminal Investigation Department, Force Headquarters, Dan’Azumi Doma, had earlier conducted a preliminary investigation of the forgery of the Senate Standing Orders and filed a 13 page damning report with with reference number CB: 3514/XFQ/ABJ/Vol./23/17.
This report was sent to the Ministry of Justice by Doma, seeking for legal advice on the line of action to taker. In preparation for court appearance, the police gave the forgery scandal a case reference number: FHQ/X/ABJ/SEB/365/2015.
DIG Doma's 13 page preliminary report made 7 startling findings, which are outlined below:
(1) That on the 9/6/2015, a document titled “the Senate Standing Order 2015 as amended” was unlawfully distributed to senators of the 8th Senate for their inauguration as members
(2) That the contents of the Senate Standing Order 2015 as amended are substantially different from the Senate Standing Order 2011 as amended. Sections 2(iv), 3(3)E, I,ii,iii, G and H, 5 and 7 of the Rules are different in the two Orders.
(3) That the Senate Standing Order 2015 as amended was used by the clerks of the National Assembly and the Senate as the Senate Standing Orders to fraudulently inaugurate and conduct elections into the offices of the presiding officials of the Senate, namely the Senate President, the Deputy Senate President etc.
(4) That the testimonies of some members of the 7th Senate including that of the chairman of the Business and Rules Committee and Senators of the 7th Senate indicate that the Senate Standing Order 2011 was not amended during the tenure of the 7th Senate which ended on the 8/6/ 2015.
(5) That the procedure for the amendment of the Senate Standing Order as contained in Section 110 of the Senate Standing Order 2011 as amended stipulates that any amendment to the Senate Standing Orders should be in line with the following procedures:
i Any senator desiring to amend any part of the Rules or adding any new clause shall give notice of such amendments in writing to the President of the Senate giving details of proposed amendment.
ii. The President shall within seven working days cause the amendment to be printed and circulated to members. Thereafter it shall be printed in the Order Paper.
iii. The movers of the amendment shall be allowed to explain in details the proposed amendments, thereafter the Senate shall decide by simple majority votes whether the amendment should be considered.
iv. If the decision is to consider the amendments, then another date shall be set aside by the Rules and Business Committee, whereby opportunity would be given to Senators to further propose amendments but must strictly be confined to the original amendments.
v. Two third majorities shall decide the amendments and such amendments shall form part of the Rules of the Senate.
(6) That the Clerk of the Senate, Mr. Benedict Efeturi, who doubles as the Deputy Clerk of the National Assembly confirmed in his statement that the Senate Standing Order 2015 as amended was produced on the orders of the Senate President, Bukola Saraki, without following the amendment procedures as contained in the Senate Standing Orders 2011 as amended.
(7) That the allusion by the clerk of the Senate to procedure of amending the Standing Orders of Parliament through “practice and not necessarily by procedure” is a misplaced analogy and undemocratic because the Nigerian Senate has clearly laid-down without a proviso, the procedure to be adopted in amending its standing orders as contained in section 110 of 2011 Senate Standing Orders.
The Ministry of Justice legal opinion document (DPPA/ADV/258/15), which reviewed and analysed the report submitted by DIG Doma had concluded that the leadership election of Bukola Saraki was based on forged documents. It cannot stand in the eyes of the law and is therefore null and void!
The document further advised DIG Doma to carry out additional investigation to establish the following facts:
1. Who authorised the promulgation of the Senate Standing Order 2015.
2. Who published the Senate Standing Order 2015.
3. Who approved the Senate Standing Order 2015.
4. Who paid for the publishing of the Senate Standing Order 2015.
5. Who distributed the Senate Standing Order 2015.
When the above facts are established, it would be found that none other than the fraudulent “Senate President”, Bukola Saraki, made the orders.
Conclusion:
Everything about Bukola Saraki is fraudulent. His wealth, his election to office as a governor and subsequently as a senator have all been fraudulent. His accession to the Senate Presidency is also fraudulent.
Whatever happens at his ongoing trial at the CCT, which we believe Saraki will be found guilty of all the 13 charges, we contend that he will never be able to escape the charges of criminal conspiracy, forgery, breach of official trust and unlawful assembly as outlined in the DIG Doma's 13 page police report.
In view of the above compelling factual revelations, we call on all patriotic Nigerians at home and around the world to support operation #Saraki_Must_Go!
Unless we collectively force Saraki out of the Senate to face his various criminal charges in the courts, he will keep holding Nigeria to ransom. This Mafia don has no regret pulling Nigeria down as he is put down for his criminality.
Fellow compatriots, Nigeria is a great nation of over 180 million people who deserve better. For all intent and purposes, we deserve a democratically elected National Assembly with legitimate, patriotic and visionary leadership, to work in harmony with the President, to deliver the aspirations of the masses.
May God save Nigeria and Nigerians. Amen.
Dr. Idris Ahmed.
@CUPS_Nigeria.
8/4/2016.
THE TALE OF TWO CIVILISATIONS.
When it was revealed that Icelandic Prime Minister, Sigmundur David Gunnlaugsson was implicated in the #PanamaPapers scandal, he immediately and gracefully resigned.
Similarly, when Michael Grahammer, the chief executive of Hypo Landesbank Vorarlberg, an Austrian lending bank, was implicated in the massive leak, he too duly resigned from his lucrative job.
The two resignations above are symptomatic of the way things are done in democratic civilised world. Once a question mark appears over a public figure, resignation follows immediately. Nobody is above the laws of the land, not even the Prime Minister.
Unfortunately, the same civilised norm and value system cannot be said about Nigeria, a country that is more than 500 times larger than Iceland in human capital.
When the fraudulent Nigerian "Senate President", Bukola Saraki, was mentioned in the same #PanamaPapers as having four exquisite off-shore properties, the only reaction we received is a disparaging comment from his wife, who laid claim to the properties and dismissed Saraki as an imposter!
Nobody came from outside to teach the Icelandic and Australian people the culture of forcing corrupt officials to resign. They developed this highly desirable culture by themselves. We in Nigeria must have the courage to do the same, otherwise we are doomed!
As a matter of patriotism and urgency, we at CUPS call on all Nigerians to support the #Saraki_Must_Go movement!
May God save Nigeria and Nigerians. Amen.
Dr. Idris Ahmed.
@CUPS_Nigeria.
8/4/2016.
Thursday, 7 April 2016
FG unveil strategic plans
The federal government of Nigeria today unveil their strategic plans for the development of the country today. The vice president professor Yemi Osinbajo seeks for populace induction towards it's implementation, thus;
We acknowledge the pains you face and are concerned about them.
There are a multitude of things that require decisive action. We are taking action and in due course they will produce satisfying outcomes. Our determination is firm and unrelenting.
Consequently, I am pleased to share President Muhammadu Buhari's strategic implementation plan for the 2016 budget.
This Strategic Implementation Plan articulates 6 thematic Strategies and 33 priority actions which will constitute the short-term priority of the Federal Government over the next 12 months.
1. Lasting Changes in the Policies, National Security and Governance.
● Achieve an Appropriate Foreign Exchange Regime
● Increase low interest lending to the Real Sector. We will need to move toward a single digit interest rate.
● Maintain Capital Spending in the Budget at a minimum of 30%. Complement this with funds from the Infrastructure Fund for commercial projects
● Intensify the Implementation of Public Financial Management Reforms to Grow Revenues and Cut Costs.
● Maintain Sustainable Debt Management Strategy.
● Introduce Fiscal Incentives to Improve Collections
● Intensify the Fight Against Corruption by increasing Transparency, Accountability and Compliance with Law and Order
● Intensify Public Procurement Reforms in Projects to obtain Value for Money and cut costs.
● Sustain the Fight Against Insurgency, Kidnapping and Other Violent Crimes, Terrorism, Cyber-Crimes, Piracy, Oil Theft and Illegal Mining Activities.
Intensify the reorientation of the populace through Integrity Campaigns
2. Diversify the Economy by Fast-tracking Industrialization, Agriculture and Agro-Allied Processing, as well as attracting investment into the Solid Minerals, Tourism and Entertainment Sectors
● Implement Measures to Achieve Self-Sufficiency & Become Net Exporters of certain agricultural Items:
Rice-2018,
Tomato Paste-2016,
Wheat-2019.
Increase local production of maize, soya, poultry & livestock, so as to achieve self-sufficiency: deadlines to be announced in due course.
● Revitalize and Expand Agro-Allied Processing to intensify local production and processing of cassava, cocoa, cashew, fruits and sesame seed
● Utilize 5,000 hectares of Irrigable Land in the 12 River Basin Development Authorities and utilize 22 Dams for Commercial Farming activities by prospective investors
● Develop Dadinkowa, Gurara and Oyan dams with 82.5 MW capacity contribution to the National Grid.
● Adopt and Implement a Roadmap to Stimulate Investment into the Solid Minerals sector, and plug Revenue Leakages in the Sector
● Implement the National Industrial Revolution Plan and Launch the ‘Made in Nigeria’ Campaign
● Increase Manufacturing Capacity through the operationalization of Industrial Parks, Free and Export Processing Zones, etc.
● Enhance support facilities to provide increased financial, technical assistance, networking and information to new investors and existing enterprises.
● Implement the Roadmap to Increase Private Sector Investment in Culture, Tourism, Entertainment and Sports
● Create high-technology innovation hubs to support growth in the Digital and Technology Sectors
3. Priortize critical Infrastructure, focused on increasing investment in Power, Rail and Roads, etc.
● Optimize the 7,000MW installed capacity and ensure associated infrastructure to Fuel, Transmit and Distribute this capacity.
● Ensure Tariff includes all costs of Transmission, Generation and Gas at new price, and Distribution Company costs required to operate, maintain and upgrade distribution networks.
● Resolve all Issues on Gas Pricing, Tariffs and Payment Assurance. Conclude Roadmap on Gas Development.
● Complete the Kaduna-Abuja and Ajaokuta-Warri Rail Lines scheduled for 2016; commence the construction of the Lagos-Kano standard gauge Line; and finalize negotiations for the Calabar-Lagos Rail Project.
● Undertake the rehabilitation and construction of 31 major Road Projects scheduled for 2016 to restore degraded sections of the Federal Highways network and to Establish Connectivity over a distance of 2,193km (through public works projects, maintenance works, PPP and other interventions)
● Complete the Rehabilitation of 4 Airports (i.e. Abuja, Kano, Lagos and Port Harcourt..
4. Oil and Gas Reforms
● Adopt & Execute a Comprehensive National Oil & Gas Master-Plan (‘NOGM’) as the roadmap for the Petroleum Industry’s Development, Diversification, Privatization & Governance. Adopt & Execute a Roadmap of Gas Development & Flare Elimination
● Set a deadline to be Self-Sufficient in Refined Petroleum Products & become a Net Exporter
● Work with the National Assembly on the passage of a Revised Petroleum Industry Bill (‘PIB’) or Bills to give effect to the NOGM & to resolve Fiscal & Governance Issues of the Sector, & Eliminate Gas Flaring.
● Conclude negotiations to deal with all funding gap issues in the Upstream Sector
5. Ease of Doing Business
● Move 20 places up global Ease of Doing Business Rankings, by implementing fast track measures for business approvals, acquisition of land titles, etc. (Nigeria is currently ranked 169 out of 189 countries by the World Bank – 2015 Survey)
● Fast-track visa application and issuance processes
6. Social Investment
● Implement Social Intervention Programme and specific Health / Education projects included in 2016 Budget
● Health Sector Interventions including Flagging off the Revitalization of 1 Primary Health Centre per Ward (a total of 10,000 nationwide)
The Social Investment plans include the following:
● Train and deploy 500,000 unemployed graduates as volunteer teachers who would be paid on the job while they seek jobs in their chosen careers.
● Homegrown School Feeding for primary school pupils across the country paid for by the government
● Micro-credit scheme that provides very soft loans to a million market women, artisans, traders
● Creating innovation and technology hubs/ parks on a large scale and skills acquisition & vocational training for over 300,000 non-graduate youths
● Conditional Cash Transfer where one million poor and vulnerable Nigerians would receive N5000 monthly
● Bursary awards for tertiary education students of Science, Technology, Engineering & Maths, STEM.
President Muhammadu Buhari's administration remains committed to economic diversification through import substitution and export promotion.
In addition to this, we will continue engaging the Nigerian people. We eill resume Town-hall meetings to explain the progress and address the challenges.
Together, Nigeria will prevail.
Saturday, 2 April 2016
Akpabio... The king of Ibomite
The opulence life style of former Akwa Ibom state governor is now gradually and surreptitiously shown out of ignoramus, this is a man that collected over N2.5tr as allocation from federal government for 8yrs and also left a debt of over N650b for the present administration. He now goes around in private chopper.
But trust PMB gradually he would be tamed just a matter of time.
See the pics below
But trust PMB gradually he would be tamed just a matter of time.
See the pics below
![]() |
| Godwin AKPABIO Senate minority leader on his chopper during a visit to Abia state for the Thanksgiving ceremony for senator Mao Ohunbuwa in Abia state on his election victory |
Friday, 1 April 2016
Fayose the clown of Ekiti
Ekiti as now got more than what they bargain for by electing fayose as their governor in 2014. Fayose had became so clownish that he has turned himself and the office as governor to the communication arms of the opposition party. His recent outburst that after all chibok girls were not missing show his ignoramus and insensitivity.
This Ekiti dog needs to be called to order
This Ekiti dog needs to be called to order
Thursday, 31 March 2016
US to support Nigeria government with $600M in 2016
PMB diplomatic shuttle paid off today when the united state government promised to assist the Nigeria government with over $600m development aid this year. According the secretary of state for US John Kerry this amount would be used in resettlement of communities attack by Boko haram and complementing the Buhari administration policy and efforts.
The wailing wailers are upsets by the president constant overseas travels and accused him of another jamboree while going for world nuclear summits in Washington but to their greatest surprised the US government announced some economic packages sai Buhari
The wailing wailers are upsets by the president constant overseas travels and accused him of another jamboree while going for world nuclear summits in Washington but to their greatest surprised the US government announced some economic packages sai Buhari
Tuesday, 29 March 2016
Budget 2016
This year budget is having another hiccup because president Buhari is apprehensive of unseen obstacles this suspicious national Assembly might have planted therein.
PRESIDENT Muhammadu Buhari has refused to sign the 2016 Appropriation Bill into law.
The budget was apparently transmitted to him on Tuesday by the National Assembly but the president turned down the request to append his signature to the document because it was found out to be mere highlights rather than the entire document.
Both houses of the National Assembly finally passed the N6.06trillion budget last week but it was not clear whether the conference committee of the two chambers of the legislature had harmonized it.
The National Assembly either did not complete work on the budget or are playing politics with the documents which affects the life of both the country and its citizens.
The National Assembly only sent in the highlights without the details of the budget."
the President has not signed the Bill because he does not know what is contained in the details and what adjustments the National Assembly must have made to the proposal sent to them.
![]() |
| 2016 budget proposal |
PRESIDENT Muhammadu Buhari has refused to sign the 2016 Appropriation Bill into law.
The budget was apparently transmitted to him on Tuesday by the National Assembly but the president turned down the request to append his signature to the document because it was found out to be mere highlights rather than the entire document.
Both houses of the National Assembly finally passed the N6.06trillion budget last week but it was not clear whether the conference committee of the two chambers of the legislature had harmonized it.
The National Assembly either did not complete work on the budget or are playing politics with the documents which affects the life of both the country and its citizens.
The National Assembly only sent in the highlights without the details of the budget."
the President has not signed the Bill because he does not know what is contained in the details and what adjustments the National Assembly must have made to the proposal sent to them.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)


























